Why do I trade guns? Because there is a demand for it. And it’s extra income,” said Paraas, a former communist guerrilla whose day job as a community organiser for a non-government organisation is not enough to pay his bills.
The condensation [of The Road to Serfdom] published in the Reader’s Digest was less an abridgment than a re-creation. Although the final product was widely attributed to Max Eastman, the magazine’s founding editor, DeWitt Wallace, spent hours reworking it himself. Both were drawn to the text in part for ideological reasons: Eastman was a recent convert from socialism and one of Stalinist Russia’s most prominent critics, while Wallace was a staunch anticommunist who had recently guided his magazine, as the sympathetic editor of the Saturday Review of Literature observed, on “a conspicuous list to the extreme Right.” In their reworking of The Road to Serfdom Hayek’s style was simplified and dramatized, his observations were reordered and reconnected, and new sentences were written to impart an appearance of seamlessness to disconnected snippets. As a result, many of Hayek’s qualifications were lost. As one critic observed, the text itself had become an enactment of readers’ tendencies to take sentences out of context in order to support their own point of view…
Conservative politicians, journalists, and business leaders were quick to appropriate the Reader’s Digest version as a useful aid in their efforts to roll back the New Deal state. Citing the fact that it was undoubtedly “one of the most important and significant articles in recent years,” the Digest in a sidebar to the article had advertised reprints made available by the Book-of-the-Month Club, offering steep discounts for bulk orders. Over a million orders for the reprint version were placed, many by corporations and their advocacy groups, dwarfing the 40,000 copies of the original version that had been sold.
Employees of companies including General Motors and New Jersey Power and Light received copies courtesy of their managers. Look published a cartoon version, which was reprinted shortly thereafter in the General Electric Company’s magazine. The National Association of Manufacturers, eager to expand its public relations activities as the war approached a close, mailed free copies to all of its 14,000 members. Editorials in the conservative Hearst newspapers urged “every free-acting, free-thinking, free-writing American” to read “every line,” and its syndicate King Features distributed the condensed version shortly after Hayek’s arrival in the country. In order to exploit this publicity, Hayek’s lecture agency built his tour around presentations before chambers of commerce and bankers’ associations. Meanwhile, moderate business organizations like the Committee for Economic Development chose to keep their distance because Hayek had developed a reputation as— in the words of one observer—“a made-to-order hand grenade for conservatives to hurl at planners.”
The Great Persuasion: Reinventing Free Markets since the Depression
At a number of points in [The Road to Serfdom] Hayek explicitly condoned a vigorous role for the state. He informed his readers that responsible governments could limit the fluctuations of the business cycle through monetary and perhaps even fiscal policy. They could provide those items, like transportation infrastructure, that the price system failed to allocate efficiently. They could maintain quite strict regulations against certain business practices by limiting working hours, requiring sanitary arrangements, proscribing the use of poisonous substances, prohibiting deforestation, preventing harmful farming methods, restricting the noise and smoke produced by factories, and imposing stringent price controls on monopolies to curtail extraordinary profits. And they could develop forms of social insurance that provided redress to victims of earthquakes and floods, that compensated victims of sickness or accidents, and that ensured a basic minimum of food, shelter, and clothing for all. Hayek supported a role for the government in counteracting the business cycle, constructing new infrastructure, regulating a broad range of business activities, and administering extensive social insurance guarantees. It is not difficult to understand why he grew frustrated with those who confused this vision with what he described as “dogmatic laissez-faire.”
The Great Persuasion: Reinventing Free Markets since the Depression
Nothing in the history of American business … justifies undue confidence on the part of the American public that it can trust big business to take care of the community without supervision, regulation or eternal vigilance.
There is always a principle, plausible and even sound within limits, to justify any possible course of action and, of course, the opposite one.
If 2006 was all about social networks, user-generated content and YouTube, then it’s a fair bet that 2007 will be about further personalizing life online. Already, portals like Google and Yahoo! offer customizable pages. Want to see a calendar, learn a new word-of-the-day and check local windsurfing conditions all from your homepage? No problem, you have thousands of widgets to choose from. And the fact that they’re so intuitive has made the features very popular. “The Google personal homepage is the fastest-growing Google product,” says Marissa Mayer, the company’s vice president of “search products and user experience.” “This market is going to be very large.
Mr. Kawasaki refers to widgets as “digital bling.” (Mr. Kawasaki’s blog, How to Change the World, is among the 50 most popular blogs, according to the ranking site Technorati.) He says he enjoys experimenting with new widgets on his blog, but is wary of getting carried away. “I don’t intend to be Mr. T, but I don’t want to be Audrey Hepburn, either, with just a string of pearls,” he said.
But while widgets are growing in popularity — the first major conference dedicated to “the emerging widget economy” was held in November in San Francisco — they can still be perplexing to bloggers and readers. And some are wondering whether a blog can become weighed down by too many widgets.
Some Bling for Your Blog - New York Times | January 18, 2007
“the emerging widget economy”
“Widgets pull content or services from some other place on the Web, and put it into your personal page,” said Fred Wilson, a venture capitalist at Union Square Ventures in Manhattan.
Typically, they’re built with Flash software from Adobe, or the JavaScript programming language, which ensures that they work with most Web browsers. Mr. Wilson’s blog, A VC (avc.blogs.com), displays one of the Web’s largest widget collections, including a photo album from the site Flickr and others that highlight his music collection.
PASTOR BOB HYATT acknowledges that his widget fixation may be getting a little out of control.
“The comScore data is among the first to measure the reach of companies such as Slide Inc., RockYou Inc. and PictureTrail Inc., which create applications known as widgets that consumers can use to produce videos, photo slideshows and music playlists. These individual pieces of content can then be posted on blogs and social-networking sites such as MySpace, a unit of News Corp., NWS 1.13% and Facebook. So far, Slide and other widget makers have earned money mostly by selling ads on their own sites, but have found it difficult to generate revenue from the content created using their services and displayed on other sites.”
Thatcher’s ideas resonated because they were an effective antidote to the problems of the times. In the 1970s, the Western world staggered under the weight of oil shocks, rising wages, rocketing inflation, slowing productivity and growth, labor unrest, high taxesand sclerotic state-owned companies. These are not the problems we face now.
The headline says “Business Helps Yellowstone,” but the article body says “Of the $70,600 required [to plow the South gate], the [Teton] county tourism board offered to pay $56,000, while the local chamber kicked in $14,600.” The remainder was kicked in by a linens-supply company and a restaurant group.
Not to spoil a compelling narrative, but…
Counties are (state) government entities, and like all government entities, counties are funded by taxes. In this case, the Teton County tourism board is funded by the “Tax you don’t pay,” a 2% lodging tax levied on guests at local hotels, motels, and rental properties. The “Tax you don’t pay” moniker was coined by the Jackson Hole Chamber of Commerce’s PAC, Citizens for a Sustainable Community, which was created to advocate for the lodging tax.
Why would a collective of job creators like the JH Chamber of Commerce be in favor of new taxes? Well, here are a few reasons:
In short, the lodging tax amounts to a publicly funded, privately administered means for Jackson Hole’s tourism industry to promote their services. Thus, an article ostensibly about private business gamely picking up sequester-imposed slack could also be read as an article about private business using public funds to pay for services that, were it not for lobbying by the business’s publicly-funded trade organization, would have been performed by the government. This isn’t a story about private business picking up public slack; this is a story about private business lobbying for a public tax to subsidize a private trade organization which then allocates the tax’s proceeds for the benefit of the organization’s membership. And lest you pity the hoteliers whose ventures would fail in the absence of such “help,” consider that per capital personal income in Teton County is amongst the highest in the nation, behind New York and just ahead of Marin. So it goes.
Lesson 1. Taxes are terrible, except when they’re used by private actors to promote private business.
Lesson 2. Private businesses can pick up the slack created by smaller government, so long as those businesses are supported by government funds.
Lesson 3. The narratives we believe are no more than stories: elided, incomplete, and misleading. Forge your beliefs accordingly.
Watsky - Hey, Asshole (feat. Kate Nash)
h/t @bradgillespie
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